The Prime Minister’s speech to the House of Commons on Afghanistan and UK troop levels in Afghanistan.
Read the transcript
[Check against delivery]
With permission Mr Speaker, let me begin this statement on Afghanistan by once more paying tribute to our armed forces.
Since 2001 our forces have been fighting in Afghanistan one of the longest military campaigns of recent times - longer indeed than the world wars of the last century - as part of our century’s fight against global terrorism.
And at all times our armed forces have shown the highest professionalism, dedication and courage which make them the best and most admired in the world. They have endured heavy and tragic casualties. They deserve our utmost gratitude. And let me acknowledge the presence as visitors to this house today of members of 19 Brigade who have served with distinction in Afghanistan.
Decisions to continue military action are as critical as those that commence military action.
There are two prior questions people ask of our mission with our American and coalition allies in Afghanistan, one about the present, one about the future. And - rightly - both questions have to be answered.
The first is why today our armed forces are in Afghanistan.
And the second is how and when Afghanistan can take responsibility for its own security so that our troops can come home.
Mr Speaker, the origins of our intervention in Afghanistan and the scale of the terrorist threat are known to us all. Around the world, thousands of men and women of all religions - including thousands of the Muslim faith - have been murdered in Al Qaeda outrages. The London July 7 bombings cost 52 lives and injured over 750 people. More recently we have seen the 2006 Heathrow liquid bombs plot, the 2007 London and Glasgow bombings and then this year an Al Qaeda inspired conspiracy to target shopping centres. There are now over 120 convicted terrorists serving sentences in British prisons. And the security services report to me weekly on the hundreds of would-be terrorists who seek to operate within and target our country.
To counter this ever present threat we have, since 2001, trebled the resources available to our intelligence services, and more than doubled the number of operatives. And today nearly twice as many regular police officers are engaged in full time work to counter the terrorist threat. Suspect travelers are now checked at the border in real time against watch lists and increasing numbers are excluded on national security grounds from Britain.
And because this is a fight for hearts and minds against violent extremism and those ideologies that would pervert the true Islamic faith, we have both stepped up our work with our allies to expose the damage that this extreme and violent ideologies do and to support those working across all faiths to uphold the common ground of dignity tolerance and respect for all.
So, Mr Speaker, our security in the UK - and our effort to counter terrorists and their propaganda - has been and continues to be strengthened at all levels.
Faced with the terrorist threat, some have argued that the most effective strategy is simply to defend Britain within our own borders, a fortress Britain.
And some ask why British troops are in Afghanistan at all if Al Qaeda can organise in Britain, in Somalia, in Yemen and even in internet chat rooms in every part of the world.
But as long as the Pakistan-Afghan border areas are the location of choice for Al Qaeda and the epicentre of global terrorism, it is the government’s judgment that we must address the terrorist threat at its source. Indeed as long as three-quarters of the most serious terrorist plots against Britain have had links to these Pakistan-Afghan border areas, we would be failing in our duty if we did not work with our allies to deal with the problem where it starts. A more stable and secure Afghanistan and Pakistan will help ensure a safer Britain.
Since 2001 progress has been made in driving Al Qaeda into the mountains of Waziristan. Today for the first time since 2001 thousands of Pakistan troops are now in Waziristan, and with President Obama, I have been urging Pakistan’s leadership, most recently in a telephone conversation with President Zardari on Saturday, to step up their efforts not just against the Pakistan Taleban in this region but also against Al Qaeda.
And so as an international community we must intensify our support for the action of the Pakistan authorities, improve cooperation with Pakistan in the months ahead and press ahead with a four year development programme amounting to £665m, focused increasingly on the border areas and on encouraging the development of schools to counter the propaganda of madrassas.
It is essential that progress in driving Al Qaeda from Afghanistan must be matched by actions not simply to isolate but defeat Al Qaeda within Pakistan.
Success in driving Al Qaeda into Waziristan have led some to propose that it is now sufficient simply to target Al Qaeda there. To explain why this is an inadequate response we must understand the Al Qaeda network, its long standing links with the Afghan Taleban, and the extent to which Al Qaeda continue to seek, as in the past, a Taleban-controlled permissive Afghanistan which would allow them unfettered opportunities to plan and launch with impunity their attacks on Britain and other countries.
So our task is to prevent the Taleban from giving Al Qaeda that safe haven. And while stabilising Afghanistan will not solve all our challenges in Pakistan and elsewhere, instability in Afghanistan can only increase the risk of conflagration where the world can least afford it.
This is why, Mr Speaker, the safety of people on the streets of Britain requires us to deny Al Qaeda the space to operate across Pakistan; and to deny them the option of returning to operate in Afghanistan.
This is the considered view of the 43-nation coalition, a unique force of NATO and non-NATO members led by the United States of America and supported by clear United Nations resolutions. Today our purpose is the same as in 2001: to deny Al Qaeda space to operate. But our approach to achieving this has now to be different.
In December 2007 our government became one of the first to suggest that Afghanistan must be prepared to take greater control of their own security. Since then we have consistently argued that to weaken the Taleban we have to strengthen the Afghan government at national level and at local level too.
The approach is built on our knowledge that the Taleban have only minority support among the Afghan people; and our judgment that the long term security of Afghanistan is best assured by training the Afghan army and police; building up civilian government at national and local level; and through economic development that gives Afghans a stake in their future; supported by stronger international civilian leadership, to work alongside General Mcchrystal to deliver the civilian aspects of our strategy.
It is an outline programme for the transfer of lead security responsibility to the Afghans - district by district, province by province - with the first districts and provinces potentially being handed over during next year. Mr Speaker let us be clear this process will depend on the Afghans being ready to take responsibility and control: first, through more Afghan troops; second, better Afghan policing; third, more effective local and national government, and fourth by giving Afghans a stronger stake in their economic future.
And i can also say that over time our objective is to work for and to encourage a new set of relationships between Afghanistan and its neighbours, based on their guarantee of non-interference in Afghanistan’s affairs and on a commitment to fostering not only its long term economic and cultural links with other powers in the region but immediate confidence-building security measures from which all can benefit.
So Mr Speaker, I want the London conference on Afghanistan on January 28 - which President Karzai and the Secretary General of the United Nations have confirmed they will attend - to unite the international community behind a programme now and for the longer term to help the Afghans secure and govern their own country.
Against this background, our coalition military strategy is essential to create the space for an effective political strategy to work, weakening the Taleban by strengthening Afghanistan itself: a military surge complemented by a political surge that is, most of all, an Afghan surge.
Today I want to set out the benchmarks for this approach and then, and in that context, to give details of the numbers and deployment of our armed forces.
First, over the coming year the coalition seeks a major expansion of the Afghan army from 90,000 to 134,000. We expect this surge in recruitment to allow an extra 10,000 troops to be deployed in Helmand, of which 5,000 will be trained and partnered by British forces.
And we can start now. 600 Afghan soldiers are arriving in Helmand this month - an extra company for each Afghan battalion there. A further ten Afghan companies - 1,000 more troops - will soon reinforce the Afghan army’s 205 corps across
Southern Afghanistan.
Increasingly, it will be Afghan forces that clear and hold ground, as they prepare for the time when they can assume responsibility for security.
Secondly, within the next six months the international community will agree with President Karzai’s government a police reform plan.
We have agreed that in Helmand, Afghan national police numbers will increase immediately to 4100, with further increases to follow. By mid 2010 the capacity of the Helmand police training centre in Lashkar Gah will be doubled, and we will double the numbers of police trainers provided by the royal military police from 100 this year to 200 next year.
Thirdly, an effective and accountable local administration. Over the next nine months President Karzai will be expected to implement - with our support and that of our international partners - far reaching reforms to ensure that from now on all 400 provinces and districts have a governor appointed on merit free from corruption with clearly defined roles, skills and resources. District community shuras have been formed in Nad e Ali, Garmsir, Gereshk and Nawa; with more to come. Nationwide the number of community development councils will increase within two years from 22,000 to 31,000.
Fourthly, a clean, effective and inclusive national government in Kabul - one that reaches out to political leaders and citizens from all strands of Afghan society. While President Karzai has agreed with us on the priority of tackling corruption - with a new anti corruption task force and, last week, the arrest of 12 leading officials, we recognise that the test is not initiatives but delivery on the ground.
We support President Karzai’s call for a loya jirga and for reconciliation. It is the task of military forces - international and Afghan - to weaken and pressurize the insurgency. But it is right and essential that this work is combined with the offer of a way forward for those prepared to renounce violence and to choose to join the political process. Reintegration can only be led, and must be led, by Afghans at both national and local levels.
But for Afghanistan to enjoy stability farmers and working people in towns and villages must have a greater stake in the economic future of their country: a major Afghan-led programme backed by significant funding to identify the likely growth areas in the Afghan economy and provide Afghans with credible economic alternatives to poppy and the insurgency. With 20 per cent more land growing wheat, this year’s wheat harvest is expected to be the highest in 30 years. Programmes funded by our development department will this year create 20 thousand jobs - and by 2013 raise the incomes of 200,000 people.
Mr Speaker, I turn now to the details of our force levels and deployments.
In my statement to the house on 14 October, I said that to support our strategy of Afghanisation - and in particular to train more Afghan soldiers and police while at the same time maintaining the security of our forces - the government had agreed in principle a new force level of 9,500; to be implemented once three conditions were met.
I can now report on each of these conditions.
First, Mr Speaker, I made clear that we would increase the number of British personnel in Afghanistan only if we were assured that it would continue to be the case that every soldier and unit deployed is fully equipped for the operations they are asked to undertake. At this morning’s meeting of the Afghanistan and Pakistan national security committee, the Chief of the Defence Staff gave that assurance - that this condition has been met both for the existing force and the additional 500 troops.
Indeed the Chief’s report to me the continuing delivery of new equipment. Newly arrived Merlin helicopters have today been given the ‘green light’ for operations in Afghanistan, one month ahead of schedule. Compared with three years ago, we have doubled helicopter flying hours. In the coming months this will increase by a further 20 per cent in the coming months.
By the end of the year, the number of heavily armoured, mine-resistant Mastiff vehicles will have almost doubled compared with August. The number of Ridgback, a smaller, more agile version of the mastiff, will have increased by over 75 per cent. By spring next year they will be joined by more Mastiffs adapted for explosive disposal work, and new Warthog tracked vehicles - showing the results of our investment over the last three years of more than £1 billion from the treasury reserve in vehicles for Afghanistan.
By the end of this year the build-up of a 200-strong counter-I.E.D. Task force, along with dedicated equipment, will be complete. In addition, aerial surveillance hours available to commanders have increased by over 40 per cent. A further 200 specialist troops will be deployed by spring 2010.
Three years ago, equipment and support for our forces deployed to Afghanistan - funded from the treasury reserve - was estimated at around £190,000 for each individual there. This year it is more than double that, around £400,000 and still rising. The best possible equipment and support is what we owe those who are fighting for our country in Afghanistan.
Second, Mr Speaker, I said that our contribution of 9,500 must be part of an agreed approach across the international coalition, with all countries bearing their share.
A coalition whose principal member - and largest troop contributor - is the United States of America; and we continue regular discussions with the President and his team about the coalition’s evolving strategy.
America will make an announcement tomorrow. And the Secretary General of NATO - and I pay tribute to his work - reports that eight countries have already made offers of additional troops and that other countries are likely to follow.
It is often said that America and Britain are fighting alone. This is wrong. Excluding America and Britain the numbers of international coalition troops will have risen from, in January 2007, 16,000 troops to around 30,000 soon, and I believe that over the coming months even more countries will respond. And our effort in Helmand will benefit. Last year, total international force levels in the province were around 7,000, now they will be above 20,000: three times what they were.
Our third condition for deploying additional British troops was that the military effort of the international coalition must be matched by Afghan effort President Karzai and his defence minister have assured us not only that 5000 members of the new Afghan national army corps will be deployed to Helmand to be partnered by British troops during 2010 but that additional recruits will arrive for training in the next few weeks.
So, Mr Speaker, with the three conditions now met, I can confirm that we will move to a new force level of 9,500. And that the extra troops will deploy in early December to thicken the UK troop presence in central Helmand; and from late January will make the transition to a partnering role.
Mr Speaker, for understandable reasons of operational security, we shall continue to withhold information about their deployment and the nature of activities of our special forces.
But at this time of increasing international effort it is right to give a more comprehensive account of our total military commitment to the Afghanistan campaign. I believe the British people have a right to know and deserve the assurance that our highly professional widely respected and extraordinarily brave special forces are playing their full role not only in force protection but in taking the fight directly to the Taleban, working in theatre alongside our regular forces. And I want the whole country to pay tribute to them. Taking into account these special forces, their supporting troops and the increases announced today our total military effort in Afghanistan will be in excess of 10,000 troops.
This force level enables us to deliver our military strategy of bringing security to the population.
It will support our political strategy of strengthening the Afghan government at national and local level - as they in return take steps to govern in a cleaner, more effective, and more inclusive way.
And above all it will accelerate the development of the Afghan army and police, so that in time they can take over responsibility for security and thus ensure that our troops can come home.
We are ensuring as best we can the safety of our forces. We are today setting benchmarks for Afghanistan to meet. In the last few months we have worked hard to achieve a stronger military presence across the coalition, with a more equal sharing of the burden.
And in all we do, we will never forget the fundamental truth of this military campaign: that keeping the streets of our country free from terrorism is our utmost priority and that for a safe Britain we need a stable Afghanistan.
I commend this statement to the House.
delicious
digg
facebook
