Press Conference with Nicolas Sarkozy

27 March 2008

At a joint Press Conference with Nicolas Sarkozy during his state visit to Britain, the Prime Minister said the UK and France will work more closely together "at the heart of a global Europe".

Read the transcript:

Prime Minister:

I am delighted to be hosting President Sarkozy and his ministerial colleagues in this fantastic stadium.  It is a modern symbol of the new French-British entente - what Nicolas has rightly called the entente amicale.  I am grateful to Arsène Wenger and to the Arsenal Football Club for their warm welcome.

Nicolas, you have reminded us on this visit of your energy, your ideas, your insights into the great global challenges that we face, your vision for the future, and your commitment to the great relationship that exists between our two countries.  No amount of rivalry on the football field last night can obscure our common interests, our shared values and our linked destinies.  You set out yesterday in your powerful speech to the House of Commons and the House of Lords that our ideals and aspirations demand ever closer partnership.  This state visit and this summit are, therefore, not just a reminder of a historic alliance, but they also signify a new stage in the dynamic relationship between Britain and France.

Together, we will address the challenges of this new global era.  Together, we are well placed to do so.  Our two countries are at the heart of what we want to be: an outward-looking and globally-focused Europe.  We both favour a strong relationship with our American partners.  We agree that only by working together can we confront the challenges we face from terrorism, climate change, poverty, disease and failed states.  We have agreed that we will deepen and strengthen the partnership between our two countries.  We will turn the entente cordiale into the entente amicale in the following ways of working together in the future.

We will now instigate quarterly meetings of senior officials of our governments to discuss issues that we have in common. We will have six-monthly summits of senior ministers to address the challenges in Europe and beyond. A regular annual summit will cover all the issues that are raised in these discussions. We will launch a taskforce to deepen our coordination on major issues of international concern, from the environment to how we cope with failing and failed states.

We will develop new mechanisms of ensuring greater coordination of policy before international meetings - the United Nations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund - as we deepen the links between individual ministers.  We believe that, working together, France and Britain can be an even greater force for good in the world of tomorrow.  If you like, this will be an entente formidable too.

We have agreed that we will vote together on the reform of the international institutions that we are proposing and will press our fellow members to make the reforms that are necessary.

Our ministers have had wide ranging discussions, addressing these global challenges.  We have discussed how we can achieve financial stability in a world of global financial turbulence and build an inclusive globalisation; how we can open trade between poor and rich countries; how we can act together on illegal immigration and climate change; how we can tackle conflict and broken-down states in the interests of a more stable world; and how our development policies can strengthen cooperation across the world.  All our decisions are set out in a communiqué which is being issued in the next few minutes, and are a strong basis for the detailed work ahead.

We also agreed that we need Britain and France at the heart of Europe - a global Europe that is reforming, open, flexible and outward-looking and that retains a strong social dimension.  Of course, this will be at the heart, as I know, of the French Presidency of the European Union (EU) that President Sarkozy will inaugurate in July. 

Let me just draw attention to some of the specific joint actions that we have agreed to.  We will press for a coordinated approach in the international financial community to disclosure and to dealing with the problems that now exist in write-offs and off-balance sheet activities, where new international standards have to be agreed as a matter of urgency.

We will promote a climate stability fund which will be resourced to help developing and emerging market countries make adjustments to alternative sources of energy.

We have agreed a common approach on Burma, and on Darfur, where we wish to speed up the introduction of the United Nations and African peace force and, at the same time, to ensure that the peace talks begin as soon as possible.

We are calling for restraint and for dialogue in China to tackle the problems that exist in Tibet.

We have agreed to pool our influence in the effort to reform the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the United Nations.

As announced a few minutes ago, we are together pooling our resources to make it possible for 16 million children in Africa to obtain education and to have a school and a teacher to go to in the years before the World Cup arrives in Africa in 2010.

We have agreed enhanced defence cooperation while recognising the centrality of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) role.

We have also agreed to step up our cooperation on immigration and to deal with the issue of making sure that we tackle the problem of illegality there.

We have agreed greater burden-sharing in Afghanistan, where we must do more to ensure that the fight against the Taliban is won.

We have agreed that we must do more also to tackle failed states, which is why we have a joint proposal for standby civilian peacekeepers, which is a new way by which the world can deal with conflict and reconstruction.  We will have a joint UK-France conference later this year to share best practice on using civilian missions to stabilise and boost the rule of law in regions affected by conflict.

We have agreed to pool equipment resources with a new fund particularly for helicopters, to enable the equipment that is needed for allied and NATO missions.

This is a partnership that also pioneers changes for the future.  We are pioneers because France and the UK are setting out a new agenda for cooperation today.  We are setting out an agenda for joint action and for burden-sharing, and one whereby our two countries will cooperate ever more closely, month to month, on dealing with the great challenges that our global society faces.

President Sarkozy, it has been a privilege for us to have you and your wife in London today and for you to have visited the United Kingdom with what I believe will be understood to be an historic visit from the President of France.  Thank you very much.

Nicolas Sarkozy: Ladies and gentlemen, allow me, before answering your questions, to make a few brief comments.  I had the privilege and honour of addressing British parliamentarians yesterday so I do not want to inflict upon you yet another speech which would be repetitious vis-à-vis what I said yesterday.  I assure you that I have not changed my mind since yesterday afternoon; I stand by what I said.

First of all, I want to thank Gordon Brown for the exemplary cooperation between our two countries.  We have known each other for several years now.  Gordon Brown was one of the very best finance ministers that Europe has seen over the last 10 years.  He did remarkable work in the service of the British economy.  Since he moved into 10 Downing Street and I was elected President of the Republic, we have been working hand in glove because, on all issues, our views are extremely close.  When they are not absolutely identical, we bring our positions closer together in order to adopt a common, joint position.

What I find very interesting and striking is that he should use the expression 'global Europe in a global world'.  In fact, I am determined, once I take over the Presidency of the EU, to consult Gordon regularly so that Britain is very much associated with any decision-making process involving Europe.  Thank you, Gordon, for the way you have welcomed us.  Thank you to you and your wife.  Above and beyond my deeply-held conviction that France and Britain must work together, I must say that a personal relationship certainly makes it that much easier to work together; likewise, the way in which our teams work together and talk to one another on a daily basis.

In terms of what has come out of the summit, there is a wealth of things to say but I will not comment on these unless you have specific questions.  Even more heartening, however, are the future prospects, which we touched upon with Prime Minister Brown and which we are determined to forge ahead on so as to put this partnership between Britain and France at the heart of our future.  We have done a lot but I am convinced that we can still do more.  I wish to thank Her Majesty for her invitation and, through her, the British people for the many manifestations of friendship and empathy that have been extended to me and my wife.  Of course, if, by any chance, you have a question, I would be happy, alongside the British Prime Minister, to attempt to answer them.

Question:

We have heard the talk from the French President here of a stronger partnership and from you, Prime Minister, too, but many people will know there are historic tensions on issues like NATO, the reform of the EU, and free trade and protectionism.  President Sarkozy has come here and has flattered and charmed Britain.  Will both sides feel as good on the morning after the night before?

Prime Minister:

Yes, because we share the same vision about the future of Europe.  I believe that Europe has to be a global Europe.  It has to look out to the rest of the world.  I believe an open and reforming Europe can make a huge difference as a global force for good.  We discussed those four areas where Europe can make a huge difference.  With Britain and France at the centre of Europe, we can change things for the future:

The first is a global approach to the economy, where we are agreed about the changes that need to be made in our international institutions and in how we supervise and set standards for the international economy.

We have agreed on changes in the global environment and how we can lead from Europe in making possible a new climate change agreement.

We have agreed on the security issues where we need to play a part together, which is why we have been looking at how we can deal with conflict prevention in some of the failed states and why civilian and standby forces can match the military power that NATO has.

At the same time, we have agreed, as you saw a few minutes ago, that we will work together to bring rich and poor countries together.  That is why the initiative for Africa for 2010 is so important: to send a signal to Africa as it hosts the World Cup that we will work with them to ensure that every child has the right to education.

This is a shared vision of a global Europe and I am in no doubt that the French Presidency of the EU will be a historic one which will move forward this agreed agenda which President Sarkozy has been leading for many years.

Nicolas Sarkozy:

Frankly, in terms of Africa, the need to develop, and peace in Darfur, I stand to be corrected by Bernard Kouchner, but we have identical positions.

On climate, our position is exactly the same.  We need the British in order to persuade the Americans to go as far as we are prepared to go.

On the transparency of financial regulations, I refer to the meeting we had at the end of January in London, and I hope that Gordon will organise a new one next autumn.  We are on the same wavelength: we need greater transparency.

As to the need to build 21^st century institutions, we are on the same wavelength.

On immigration, we have understood that we need to work hand in glove.

Those are five topics on which we are totally agreed.  It is not simply a matter of a one-night stand; I think we could go so far even as breakfast the next morning.  We will always agree on that.

Let us address the terms that are supposedly sensitive or on which we do not necessarily always agree: first of all, the matter of free trade and protectionism.  I said to Gordon Brown that France is in favour of free trade, a market economy and globalisation - we are favour in it.  I equally said that we want to address the problems.  On that track, perhaps we can say that we have each taken a step in each other's direction but, when you are discussing, it is the only way of progressing rather than having entrenchment.  When he talks about globalisation, he is right because it has a lot to offer the world, but we want reciprocity because we want free and fair competition and we are totally in agreement on that.

On the matter of a global Europe, when Gordon was Chancellor of the Exchequer, we already talked about this.  I was in favour of Europe and he was in favour of globalisation.  Now, we have agreed on a global Europe; in other words, Gordon has understood that Europe will become a bigger player in the world scene and I have perhaps understood that the point about Europe is also to open up to globalisation.  What Gordon is doing for Europe in terms of getting through the simplified treaty and the ratification process is something that we will benefit all of Europe.  He does so with the courage, loyalty and fairness vis-à-vis his 26 other partners.  I am not the only one in Europe to appreciate Gordon Brown's attitude on this particular issue.  I know he is from the Labour Party and I am not, but I believe that what he has done, he needed to do and needed to be done.  Do not forget that the simplified treaty is something I threw my weight into 100%. If everyone does not ratify it, there will not be a simplified treaty so, thanks to him, I hope that Europe will be able to start moving ahead.  I said the same thing to the head of the opposition.  I think it is very important that I say this, even though I may not be of the same political family as Gordon.

On the matter of NATO, I have been travelling across the world saying that we need NATO but, at the same time, we need a Europe of defence.  In my mind, Europe is not going to replace NATO - it is not either/or, but both.  What Gordon Brown and I have offered is far more than simply coming up with a few ideas at a summit.  It is about engaging our peoples in a reflection process whereby we come to understand that, if we act together, the sum total of what we can achieve is far greater than what we can achieve individually.  Yes, there are many things that need to be tackled, such as financial and agricultural issues.  Of course, we will talk about them, but what is this?  That we would talk only about things which we agree on?  We talk about things on which we do not necessarily agree precisely in order to agree.  I think I can prove that this is an alliance which is all the stronger insofar as it has not been built against anyone.  I know that any French president has the historical responsibility of continuing to build on Franco-German friendship, but I do not believe that this is enough.  I believe that we need the British as well.  I read in some of the articles mentioning some kind of strategic wind change.  What change?  We recognise that we need the Franco-German axis and I think I have understood that relations between Gordon Brown and Angela Merkel are excellent.  I am not the only one to come to London; so does Angela.  This is the Europe of today and we are trying to get it on the move.

Question:

You have already spoken about defence cooperation and, in your declaration, you talk about dialogue on nuclear deterrent.  How far could that go?  Could Britain consider its next-generation nuclear weapons being part of a collaborative project with the Force de frappe or would there always be a necessary commitment to the American nuclear programme, or would that sort of approach even be acceptable to the French?

Prime Minister:

We work very closely with our American partners on our nuclear programme, which has always been very much understood.  What we have been talking about this morning is how, by acting together, we can push forward the process of nuclear disarmament and, particularly, prevent proliferation of nuclear weapons around the world.  I think we are at a critical moment as we look forward to a new Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and we worry about countries like Iran potentially acquiring nuclear weapons.  What we have been talking about is whether we can tighten the rules about supply of nuclear materials.  It is easy to placate on occasions those who possess nuclear weapons, but we need to know about who is supplying them.  At the same time, I discussed with President Sarkozy the idea that Britain has put forward, which is the idea of a uranium bank or bond to say to states that we will help them get civil nuclear power as long as they continue to renounce, under the terms of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, the idea that they will become nuclear weapon powers.  These are the ideas around how, by cooperating together, we can progress nuclear disarmament generally.  We both made decisions, as you know, about lessening the number of missiles in recent years, which is one of the ways that, together, we are cooperating in that process.

Question:

Mr President, you said how much you want Britain to play a fuller role in Europe and how Europe needs Britain.  Do you think that Britain can ever play that full role as long as it remains outside the single currency?

Prime Minister:

We have always said that the terms on which Britain could join the single currency have never been met.  We have done regular surveys on this and it has not been appropriate for us to join.  That remains the position of the government and we continue to assess the matter.

Nicolas Sarkozy:

I have always believed that we need the UK in Europe because this would open Europe up to the rest of the world.  I might add that Britain and France represent two thirds of the defence effort of Europe.  We need to work with those who resemble us.  It has not escaped me that you are not in Schengen, that you are in the Eurozone, and that there are sometimes opt-out clauses that you tend to negotiate.  It is a fact; I am not passing judgment.  It does not give me the sense that we need less of the UK, but more.  That is what I was trying to drive at yesterday when I spoke to Parliament.  I said our British friends want another Europe, but it is easier to build a different Europe with you are inside it than with you on the outside.  It is through friendship and trust that I say to you, if you are fully fledged members of Europe, inside Europe, you will have more of a chance of shaping and shifting it and getting it in the direction you want it go than if you remain on the sidelines, which is why it is important to ratify the simplified treaty.

That being said, it is not for me to pass comment on British domestic policy, but we want to work with you.  Let me tell you why: I am the president of a country that voted against the European Constitution by 55% in a referendum.  I pledged not to hold another referendum three days before the second round of the presidential election.  Therefore, I am quite credible when I say that we need Britain in order to get Europe moving.  To flesh it out in more concrete terms, a simplified treaty is not an end in itself but the means towards an end.  It is important that our citizens, French or British, reflect on 'This is what Europe is about; this is what they are doing on a daily basis; this is what it means in our day-to-day lives'.  It will make it much easier for us to achieve this if you were within Europe, working alongside us.  I think it is of the essence that things be that way.  I think anyone can understand this.  Of course, every country has its own history, past, hopes, aspirations and fears, and it is not for France, who said no at the referendum and paralysed Europe for a number of years, to criticise the British for whatever questions you have on the subject of Europe.  We have overcome and have answered those questions, and we would like you to do the same so that we can transform Europe.

Question:

Should the leaders of major democracies like Britain and France now boycott the opening ceremony in Beijing as a result of what is going on in Tibet?  Should you go further and encourage your athletes to consider boycotting the entire Games?

Nicolas Sarkozy:

On this issue of the boycott, I note that the Dalai Lama himself has not wished for it, no more than he has called for the independence of Tibet, and that, furthermore, none of the 27 members of the Union has called for it or suggested it.  That is to the question of substance.

Now, having said, we have a common view and we share our analysis of the situation.  We have been shocked by what has gone on in Tibet and we have expressed our deep concern, each in our own way and with our own words, but it is the same concern that we are expressing.

Third, we both believe that the only solution is to renew dialogue between the Chinese authorities and the Dalai Lama within the framework of respect for Chinese territorial integrity.

Nevertheless, we have our individual domestic issues to deal with.  At the time of the opening ceremony, I will have assumed the Presidency of the EU, so I have to sound out and consult my fellow members to see whether or not we should boycott.  Second, we should use the coming months to try to pacify the situation.  According to how the situation looks at the time, I reserve the right to say whether or not I will attend the opening ceremony and whether there is any need to take other initiatives.  Our British friends have another problem, which I fully understand: they happen to be hosting the next Olympic Games and, therefore, the Olympic flame will be passed to them, so it has nothing to do with political matters.  You will be organising the next Olympic Games.

For the rest, our position is simple: it is a reasonable, reasoned and firm position and, at the same time, our aim is not to have China basically freezing on a nationalistic position.  We have to understand this while, at the same time, upholding religious, community and other rights, but we do not want China to close down on itself and to become more nationalistic and harsher.  It seems that we are in complete harmony on this.

Prime Minister:

We will not be boycotting the Olympic Games; Britain will be attending the Olympic Games ceremonies.  At the same time, the President has said that the Dalai Lama has not called for a boycott of the Olympic Games.  The main point that President Sarkozy made is the right one: that, in the next few days and weeks, not only should we be calling for an end to violence, but calling for restraint on all sides.  It is absolutely important to recognise that this can be solved only through reconciliation and dialogue.  The Premier of China has already made it clear that the Chinese authorities would be prepared to talk to the Dalai Lama subject to two conditions that I believe the Dalai Lama can meet: the renunciation of violence and the absence for a call for full independence for Tibet.  There is a basis there for moving forward but, of course, there must be an end to violence and there must be restraint on all sides.

Question:

Mr President, the 'breakfast after the night before' brings us to the Common Agricultural Policy and what is on the table.  There are massive differences, are there not, between our approaches to the reform of the Common Agricultural Policy.  Our Prime Minister has spoken of wanting to get rid of all direct subsidies by 2020; will you commit to drastically reducing tariffs and subsidies, and fundamental reform of the Common Agricultural Policy as you take over the Presidency?

Nicolas Sarkozy:

I never said that we had reached the end of our discussions on this but you do not often see the French President saying 'let us talk about it instead of clashing over it'.  Do you believe that the British consumer's demand that the food he consumes be safe is that different from the French consumer's?  Of course not.  In fact, we have both had our food hygiene and safety crises - that is something that we share in common.  We simply cannot be sure of the traceability of our food products.  What is the point of imposing rules and directives on European consumers and producers by simply importing into Europe products from countries or producers that do not respect those rules?

I am prepared to discuss issues such as Community preferences, but I think it is equally as important that agricultural countries like France or Britain should be sitting around the table, talking about it.  We are talking about the same market, so let us at least try to draw common lines, rather than talking about the famous British rebate - I am sorry to have to bring this up, but you raised the question in the first place - while others are talking about agricultural subsidies.  I think it makes more sense to say, 'This is a tricky issue, perhaps less so over the last few weeks or months, and we need to try to talk about it'.  Whether we will succeed, time will tell, but if we do not try we will never succeed.  It seems to us that, on health and safety, we could reach some degree of agreement.

Question:

Mr President, tomorrow there is a summit where two of your friends - the King of Saudi Arabia and President Mubarak - will be notably absent.  Is there a common European position vis-à-vis Syria?  Does Mr Brown share your position on Syria and Lebanon?  Is it a priority for Britain as it is a priority for France?

Prime Minister:

Yes, indeed.

Nicolas Sarkozy:

You said that two countries are notably absent from the summit, but they are not just any old countries: Egypt, with its 76 million inhabitants, and Saudi Arabia, with 26 million inhabitants and guardian of Islam's holy places.  The fact that they are not attending is very significant.  They are right because Syria has gone too far.  Some of us have sent very clear messages to the Syrian president: Lebanon is a free country; it is an independent country; Lebanon does not need another country to handle its affairs.  It is not a French/British concept, but a democratic principle: leave the Lebanese alone.

The fact that the wise leaders of Egypt and Saudi Arabia have decided not to attend because the summit is being held in Damascus is very significant and is sending a message which President Bashar al-Assad would be well advised to listen to.  None of them are western powers or French; I am talking about his Arab brothers who have said to him 'enough is enough'.  I am very happy that such an important issue is not a problem between the West and the East or between the Arabs and the rest of the world, and that a certain number of Arab leaders are saying 'enough is enough'.  I hope that I have been clear.

Prime Minister:

All of us are worried about the condition of Lebanon and about the inability of the Lebanese to form a government as a result of what has been happening.  All of us are worried about potential interference in Lebanese affairs by the Syrians, which is why these concerns are being expressed not only by us, by America and by Europe, but by members of the Arab world in such an obvious way in the last few days.

Question:

Members of the French opposition have expressed criticism this morning about the fact that you suggested the French might be sending extra troops to Afghanistan.  However, they are saying that there is a suggestion that the French Parliament have its say in sending additional troops to Afghanistan.

Nicolas Sarkozy:

I said yesterday that I did not want the Taliban back in Afghanistan.  I hope that the leaders of the French opposition agree with me on this.  I also said yesterday that the message sent to the world and to terrorists, namely that we might fail in Afghanistan, would be catastrophic.  I hope that the leaders of the French opposition share this view of mine.

As to a parliamentary debate, I talked about this with the Speaker of the French Parliament and I have called for it.  Bernard Kouchner, before leaving, said that we would be convening this debate before the Bucharest Summit.  I might add that I would like the leaders of the French opposition to agree to an immediate vote on the reform of the constitution that I have put on the table, since it obligates the government on all matters pertaining to defence to inform the Parliament.  As to the possibility of sending additional troops, once again I agree with Gordon Brown entirely on this.  As I said in my letter to our NATO partners, we need a strategy.  I, like Gordon Brown, believe that a victory in Afghanistan can never be totally military and based on military means.  Yes, we need a debate, without reservation.

Prime Minister:

At the moment, more than 40 countries are working for a peaceful settlement there and supporting the democratically elected Afghan government.  It is very important to recognise that, without the support of all 40 countries - and I am very grateful for what President Sarkozy has said about his commitment to action in Afghanistan - the Taliban would be back in power, al-Qaeda would be finding further bases for their activities and five million girls who have managed to get education as the result of the return of government to Afghanistan would not be allowed in school and girls' education would be banned for the future.

This is an important commitment to Afghanistan by the whole of the world and I am very grateful that President Sarkozy has made the offer that he has.  At the same time, however, all countries have a responsibility to share burdens, which is why, at the NATO summit in the next few days, we will be discussing how other countries can also play their part in ensuring that we have the resources in terms of manpower and equipment in Afghanistan in the years to come.

Question:

Mr President, yesterday, before the British Parliament, you presented a very flattering view of Franco-British friendship, which you no longer refer to as entente cordiale but as entente amicale.  Do you believe that French and British public opinions are prepared to follow you in this new era of relations between our two countries?

Nicolas Sarkozy:

They do not need to follow us because, in fact, they took the lead.  These hundreds of thousands of young French people who are in London did not wait for me to make a speech to come to London, and neither did the British who are buying houses in France wait for a signal from Gordon Brown to do so.  I get the sense that we are following our peoples rather than the other way round.

Prime Minister:

There has never been greater cooperation between France and Britain as there is now.  As Nicolas has just said, that is at a level where people are travelling freely between Britain and France.  Many British people live in France and many French people live in Britain, each of us learning from each other and what we are achieving.  That is why cooperation at the political level is absolutely essential.

Question:

Picking up on what Gordon Brown said, this has been a historic visit.  You and your wife were received at Windsor by the Queen and we have heard very flattering and positive comments on the way your wife has behaved?  Do you not think she has stolen your show?  Is it not a bit 'too much', as the British would say?

Nicolas Sarkozy:

Thank you for the huge progress you have made in speaking the language of Shakespeare.  You really have scraped the barrel.  The fact that you should even put the question to me seems to indicate that you have a very curious notion of what married and being a couple means.  I am very proud and happy of the last two days with my wife Carla.  So much has been said and written that I am proud that people have seen her for what she really is.  There is a sense of justice.  You might wonder how I know you far better than you do; it might have avoided some of the wretched articles that we have seen in the last few weeks, but I have been deeply moved by what has been seen and said in the last two days.  I think she has been honoured, not simply because of the way she looks, but beyond that.  Everyone understands that this is a woman with beliefs, sensitivity and humanity, all of which contribute to Carla's elegance.

Prime Minister:

President and Madame Sarkozy are welcome to Britain at any time in the future.

Question:

You just mentioned the EU.  Recent talks indicate that the UK government supports Turkey joining the EU, but it appears that France is not in favour.  What discussions have you had on Turkish accession to the EU?

Prime Minister:

Everybody knows that there is a process at work.  That process has to run its course and we have to see how it works things out.  That is what is happening at the moment.  Talks are taking place.

Thank you all very much for coming, and thank you, President Sarkozy.